Go Beyond Caste
September 14, 2010: The Times of India
Although the cabinet has given its nod to a fresh caste census, it is worthwhile assessing the perceived benefits of the exercise. The experience of the last caste census in 1931 was anything but efficient. It was fraught with problems as several people tried to climb up the social ladder by pretending to be upper castes. Given the inaccuracies that became evident, the exercise was deemed futile and therefore abandoned. Eighty years later as the government readies itself for another caste-count, it is prudent to ask whether accuracy in collecting caste data is actually possible.
As in 1931, the methodology for carrying out a caste-count is flawed and there is nothing to suggest that it will be any different when enumerators are put on the job next year. Contrary to the opinion of several political parties, this is precisely the reason why a new caste census will not help in rationalising the government’s affirmative action policies. In fact, given the political jostling for caste benefits, the census will provide fresh ammunition to Mandal politicians whose interests are best served by reinforcing caste identities. Not only is such divisive politics unhealthy for our democracy, focussing on caste alone sweeps under the carpet the vagaries of the relation between caste and economic status.
It is true that on an average those belonging to upper castes are economically better off than lower castes. But when the data is broken down over parameters such as states, level of education and rural/urban settings, the complexion of the analysis changes. We find that Scheduled Tribe households in Karnataka are actually in better economic shape than upper caste households in Bihar. Caste-based affirmative action policies that do not take into account these variations are highly inefficient and responsible for the creamy layer conundrum. This necessitates an approach to empowerment that goes beyond caste as the basic criterion.
In the interest of a holistic approach, affirmative action policies should have economic criteria as the basis. This will help make the transition from caste-specific reservations to capacity building policies. The fundamental problem plaguing social development is the lack of infrastructure. It is because of this we have been forced to take recourse to narrow caste-based policies. Our aim should be to implement policies that make all boats float. It is only when we have built enough capacity in terms of education, health, employment, etc, that growth can truly be inclusive. The government must envision a broader empowerment strategy that includes all sections of society. To achieve this, it must go beyond the politics of caste and vote banks.
